Speech by Ilham Aliyev at the 8th Congress of the New Azerbaijan Party

AZERBAIJAN, October 2 - - Dear congress participants,

The congress of the New Azerbaijan Party is a significant event in the socio-political life of our country. I can say that our party’s activities, the decisions it adopts, and its political course are of great importance not only for our country but also for the entire region. The New Azerbaijan Party is the largest political force not only in Azerbaijan but also in the South Caucasus as a whole. Although it was founded as an opposition party, our party has been in power for more than 30 years. Our party activists have played a major role and made an important contribution to the successful and honorable journey our country has made over these years.

Our congress is taking place in a new socio-political and geopolitical environment. For the first time, our congress is being held after Azerbaijan fully restored its territorial integrity and sovereignty. Our 7th Congress was also held in what was then a new environment, because only a few months had passed since our glorious Victory, and the entire world was talking about our Victory. Azerbaijan single-handedly put an end to the occupation and, at the same time, created new realities in the region. Since then—from our Victory in the Second Garabagh War to the present day—these realities have been accepted by the entire world.

However, achieving this was not easy. Over these years, we faced very serious resistance. We faced campaigns of lies and slander directed against Azerbaijan. Certain countries were seriously discussing the imposition of sanctions against us. Yet our determination, relentless efforts, political resolve, and, above all, the unified stance of the Azerbaijani people foiled all these malicious plans.

The Second Garabagh War is our glorious history. November 8 will forever remain a day of celebration for us. September 20 is equally significant, because it was on September 20, 2023, that Azerbaijan put an end to separatism, brought the occupation to an end, and restored its territorial integrity and sovereignty.

May Allah rest the souls of all our martyrs in peace! Their cherished memory will live in our hearts forever.

These two military Victories hold immense significance not only for our people and our state but also for the entire world. First and foremost, a new precedent was set, and we achieved these victories in the face of resistance from major powers. It is no secret that the main objective of the Minsk Group, created in 1992, was to freeze the conflict, rather than to assist in restoring Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. From the very first day of the Second Garabagh War and throughout the 44 days, we were subjected to immense pressure and threats—both publicly and behind closed doors. Yet no one could turn us from our path.

The Azerbaijani people united like a fist to demand their rights, and the Azerbaijani leadership fulfilled this honorable mission. Azerbaijan paved the way for major geopolitical changes. Those who once said, “Garabagh is Armenia, full stop,” now say, “Garabagh is Azerbaijan!” They say this out of necessity.

Armenia’s recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity is not merely a gesture of goodwill, nor can it be regarded as such. The blame cannot be placed solely on Armenia’s previous leadership, even though the former Armenian leaders are all war criminals and must be held accountable. The current Armenian leadership also made territorial claims against us, sought to insult the Azerbaijani people, and affronted the dignity of our people through inappropriate and uncouth statements. In other words, we must never forget any of this.

Today, when certain foreign circles seek to portray the current Armenian leadership as a dove of peace, we remind them of this history each and every time. We remind them of what happened between 2018 and 2020, so that history is not distorted and the historical record is not erased by false narratives.

Following our glorious Victory, our efforts were focused on fully restoring our territorial integrity. We did not pause even for one day, nor did we take a single day off from fulfilling this honorable mission. Consequently, during the period between the Second Garabagh War and the anti-terror operation, we operated on several fronts simultaneously.

On the political front, we carried out extensive work both within international organizations and on the ground to ensure that the pro-Armenian countries opposing us could not achieve their dirty objectives. We significantly strengthened our strategic positions in the Garabagh region, and several successful military operations were carried out. These operations were very brief, as intended; only the necessary steps were taken to lay the groundwork for September 20 and enable us to achieve our goal with minimal casualties.

Furthermore, the developments along the conditional Azerbaijan–Armenia border effectively laid the foundation for Armenia’s full recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. As a result, in October 2022, Armenia officially recognized the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, thereby acknowledging—perhaps without even realizing it—that the Armenian armed formations located in Garabagh at the time were an occupying force.

After that, the legal basis for bringing the region under our full control, neutralizing the illegal armed formations, and disarming them was further strengthened. Although this legal basis had always existed—the entire world recognized Garabagh as an integral part of Azerbaijan—we all know that one thing can be said publicly while something entirely different is done behind closed doors. We faced this hypocrisy for 30 years, but the fist of the Azerbaijani soldier put an end to it.

The date that marked the beginning of our victories was the date of the founding congress of the New Azerbaijan Party. At that time, the courageous and progressive members of our society, people who cared about the fate of the Azerbaijani state, united around National Leader Heydar Aliyev. The founding congress of the New Azerbaijan Party, held in Nakhchivan in November 1992, effectively paved the way for our victories. It was a mandate from the people. Because by that time, Azerbaijan had already descended into chaos.

After the restoration of independence, and even before that, we suffered immense losses. Both the loss of our lands and the ongoing negative developments within our country were effectively turning Azerbaijan into a failed state. One so-called leader after another proved virtually incapable of fulfilling their duties, and as a result, our lands began to fall under occupation piece by piece. First and foremost, Azerbaijan completely lost control of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.

Following that, the Shusha and Lachin districts fell under occupation in May 1992, and just one month later, the APF–Musavat tandem came to power. In other words, this was directly their crime. In order to seize power and overthrow the leadership at the time, they resorted to this provocation, effectively handing over those territories to Armenia, after which our losses became even greater.

The occupation of Kalbajar in April 1993 effectively created a vast geographical corridor between Armenia and the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast. Consequently, personnel, weapons, ammunition, and heavy equipment were brought in from Armenia in even greater quantities. In fact, it was at that point that our country suffered defeat in the First Garabagh War.

Indeed, looking at the period after Heydar Aliyev—I refer to the 1980s—anyone can clearly see that the subsequent leaders of Azerbaijan failed to understand the responsibilities entrusted to them and demonstrated weakness, cowardice, and desertion. Suffice it to say that out of the four leaders who governed Azerbaijan after Heydar Aliyev—both during the Soviet period and after the restoration of independence—three fled Baku. At a time when the country was either facing war or already subjected to Armenian aggression, they effectively abandoned the country and the people to their fate and fled Baku—two to Moscow and one to Keleki. As for the fourth, he was simply dismissed from his post by the Soviet leadership even before the Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict began, which is likely why he remained in Baku.

This is a disgraceful chapter in our history. In my view, we can never erase this history; we know it, and the younger generation must know it as well—they must know who governed Azerbaijan and what disasters our people were forced to endure. Therefore, the establishment of the New Azerbaijan Party, I repeat, was a demand of the people. The return of Heydar Aliyev to power was a demand of the people.

Because the people knew full well that less than two weeks after Heydar Aliyev was removed from the Politburo and the Soviet leadership—in November 1987—Armenian nationalists raised the issue of the unification of Garabagh with Armenia. This proposal was supported by the Soviet leadership and Gorbachev, the “butcher of Baku.” In effect, the Soviet leadership had already made its decision by that time. Meanwhile, the treacherous leaders and the entire treacherous leadership then in power in Azerbaijan were merely tools in their hands.

Just imagine—had Heydar Aliyev been in Azerbaijan at that time, he would never have allowed these calamities to befall the Azerbaijani people. He would never have permitted separatist tendencies to take root in Garabagh. Knowing all this full well, the Azerbaijani people placed their hopes for salvation solely in Heydar Aliyev and, demonstrating wisdom as always, elected the National Leader President of the Republic of Azerbaijan in October 1993.

However, by that time, we had already suffered immense losses—the loss of our territories and the complete collapse of the economy. In a country rich in oil and gas, there were shortages of gas and electricity. Inflation exceeded 1,000 percent, and the treasury was empty. While Armenia was occupying our lands, the APF–Musavat tandem initiated a civil war, causing brotherly blood to be shed. Afterwards, each of them cowardly fled into hiding, effectively deserting the country. It was under such circumstances that the Azerbaijani people entrusted their fate to their leader.

The period that followed was also exceedingly difficult and fraught with trials. However, a resolute, courageous, and outstanding personality such as Heydar Aliyev was able to withstand all of this, and his leadership played the decisive role in preserving Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and saving the country from disintegration. The threats of separatism and division, two coup attempts, and economic hardships—all of these were the realities of that time.

We had a population of eight million, one million of whom were refugees and internally displaced persons, left homeless and living in tents. This was a humanitarian catastrophe, and we were left entirely on our own. No one was helping us; no one helped us during the war in the 1990s, nor did anyone help us after the war. We overcame these hardships single-handedly, and today we stand firmly on our feet. The will of the Azerbaijani people, their faith in the National Leader, and their commitment to his political course were precisely what made all these successful steps possible.

Therefore, the starting point of our victories was precisely the founding congress of the New Azerbaijan Party and the period that followed. Yes, between 1993 and 2003, Azerbaijan effectively broke out of international isolation. Because back then, even while suffering under occupation, sanctions were being imposed on us—specifically as a result of the incompetence and misguided foreign policy of the APF–Musavat administration. Section 907 was adopted at that time and has not been fully repealed to this day. We were effectively portrayed to the world as the aggressor. That inept APF–Musavat administration did not lift a finger to change this.

That is to say, we had to break out of international isolation, make our position heard, and prove that justice was on our side. How much time was required for that! Ultimately, we achieved this. One after another, international organizations began adopting decisions and resolutions reflecting Azerbaijan’s position—that is, the realities on the ground—including the UN General Assembly, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the OSCE. Even the European Parliament, which acts with hostility toward us today, was forced to do so. In short, this is how we broke out of international isolation.

To improve the economic situation, foreign investment was needed, as the treasury was empty. Without investment, no country can develop. The National Leader achieved this as well.

At that time, the ceasefire had only recently been declared. A few months later, the “Contract of the Century” was signed, and a massive inflow of investment began. Throughout this entire period, the foundations of statehood were simultaneously laid. Azerbaijan’s overall development strategy was defined—a strategy that continues to guide us today. The political course of the National Leader remains unchanged.

Naturally, as the years go by, tactical and even strategic goals are adjusted to a certain extent, but the core course remains unchanged: independence, statehood, economic independence, strong military potential, and the ability to make maximum use of our own capabilities. To put it briefly, the factors I have mentioned are, in my view, sufficient.

This policy has been pursued since 2003, continues to be pursued today, and will continue to be pursued in the future. I would not wish to elaborate too much on this; everything is plain to see. Today, Azerbaijan is a country that commands great respect on the international stage. Many prominent experts and analysts now classify Azerbaijan as a middle power. This assessment is based on numerous parameters. We have fully secured our economic independence. Today, we are a highly valued member of the international community, and our destiny is in our own hands.

Over these years, we have achieved every goal we set for ourselves—first and foremost, the restoration of our territorial integrity and sovereignty. When I was first elected President in 2003, I declared that this would be our primary task. We took steps every day, every hour to fulfill that honorable mission, and we achieved what we set out to achieve. Following our glorious victories, we also established peace with Armenia at the world’s most prestigious venue—the White House.

I would like to share some thoughts today regarding the tasks that lie ahead. I periodically make statements about the work that needs to be done, including in interviews and speeches. I believe that the situation in the world today is changing so rapidly that there is a great need to do so. First of all, one of our main tasks is to strengthen our military power.

A question may be asked: we have won a glorious Victory, Armenia was forced to sign an act of capitulation. Today, there is no conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, there is no war, and there is calm along the borders. The peace agreement has been initialed, and contacts are already taking place. Azerbaijan has even begun trading with Armenia. Why is this necessary?

The answer, in my opinion, is very clear and obvious. It is always necessary—for every country. Because our people have experienced this tragedy. Our people have experienced the ingratitude of the Armenians. That is to say, the older generation probably remembers well their sweet words, the toasts they raised to our health, their fluent Azerbaijani, and even the way they performed Namaz.

What was the result? They saw that we were showing some weakness, they saw that we had stumbled, and they stabbed us in the back. That is to say, this was not the first time in their history. They had done the same thing a century earlier, elsewhere. Therefore, we must never forget this, we must remain vigilant, and we must always, every single day, be 10 times stronger than they are. As it is today, so it will be tomorrow. Therefore, this is the first factor.

The second factor is the ongoing processes in the world, the proliferation and continued spread of wars. The regions around us are ablaze and boiling with conflict. Wars do not end; on the contrary, new hotbeds of war and conflict are emerging—in the North, in the South, and in the Middle East. That is to say, wars and clashes continue around us along our entire perimeter, and there is no international mechanism capable of stopping these wars, nor is there likely to be one. Because international law has completely collapsed. The number of those who attach importance to international law is declining sharply.

Therefore, we must be ready every day to respond to any military provocation. We must possess such power—and we are building that power—that no one would even contemplate carrying out any provocation against Azerbaijan. Therefore, this is the primary task, and it is no coincidence that military and security issues are once again at the forefront of our state budget currently under discussion—the budget for next year—with nearly 9 billion manats allocated for these purposes.

Of course, we have other needs as well—first and foremost, the restoration of Garabagh and East Zangezur and the improvement of our people’s social well-being. We are addressing these needs as well, and all of this is provided for in the budget under discussion. However, if we cannot protect ourselves, then all our other projects will become completely meaningless.

Security measures. Yes, today the people of Azerbaijan live in security and tranquility. This can be considered a great asset in today’s world. Because if we look at the world map today, we will see that there are very few nations and countries that enjoy the same stability, tranquility, and peace as the Azerbaijani people. These are our realities.

Therefore, security measures must always remain on the agenda. There are no risks within the country—neither physical nor ideological, nor risks of any other kind. All risks come from beyond our borders. As Azerbaijan grows stronger, pursues an increasingly active and openly independent policy, and responds with 10 arrows for every arrow aimed at us, the pressure on us will increase even further.

Look, today we do not leave a single blow against us unanswered. For every blow, we respond with perhaps two, five, or 10 of our own, so that everyone knows their place, does not interfere in our affairs, does not stick their nose into our way of life, and does not tell us what to do. Let everyone go and take care of their own nation and their own state.

The realities of Azerbaijan today are such that we have become a role model for many countries. Therefore, serious measures are being taken and will continue to be taken to address all risks—both physical and ideological.

Ideological security is just as important as physical security, because ideological provocations target the internal environment of the country. We protect our borders, and this is also one of our primary tasks. We have ensured the protection and defense of our state borders through modern technologies. However, ideological risks know no borders, especially in today’s world—the world of the internet, cyberattacks, and artificial intelligence. Therefore, we must protect ourselves from ideological provocations.

How? First and foremost, of course, through education. The more educated, knowledgeable, and well-informed our people are, the less susceptible they will be to these lies, rumors, and toxic ideological provocations. Second, patriotism. I am confident that all of us—every patriotic Azerbaijani and every citizen of Azerbaijan—take pride in our state. We have achieved a Victory unprecedented in the world, and I repeat once again, we achieved it entirely on our own.

Today, wars are being waged in various places. Everyone has a powerful backer behind them, so to speak—some even have several. But we stood alone. All those powerful backers were against us. The co-chairs of the Minsk Group were against us. Today, they are among the world’s leading states; just look at whom we had to fight. They stood behind Armenia and continue to stand behind it today, each in its own way. Therefore, we take pride in our Victory, our courage, our resolve, our people, and our state. This, too, serves as a strong barrier to ideological provocations.

Of course, our ideological space must be free from foreign elements and foreign influences. This is, at the same time, part of our foreign policy strategy. We build our foreign policy—and must continue to do so—in such a way that no one interferes in our affairs. We need no one’s help or patronage. When we needed help, no one helped us. When we had one million refugees, no one extended a helping hand to us. Whatever we acquired, we purchased with our own money. That includes all our weapons, which we purchased at world market prices—down to the last bullet.

I say this to you with full responsibility, as Supreme Commander-in-Chief and as the person overseeing all these matters. You know the extent to which Azerbaijan has strengthened its military capabilities since 2003, both by establishing domestic production and by purchasing weapons from abroad. Not once were we given even a single manat or a single dollar in discounts. In fact, sometimes we were charged prices several times higher than world market prices, and we were forced to turn a blind eye to it. Therefore, this is a very serious matter.

Our ideological work, including that carried out by party activists, must be organized in such a way that Azerbaijan’s realities, the developments taking place in our country, and the highly positive atmosphere prevailing here are constantly brought to public attention. Today, such large-scale construction work is being carried out in Azerbaijan that I do not know of another country with a comparable pace of development—not only in Garabagh and East Zangezur, where unprecedented development is underway, but in every single region of our country.

Therefore, the time has come to properly organize our ideological work, abandon clichés, and move beyond purely formal events. Ideological work must be conducted in a modern manner. Our advantage is that, unlike some countries, we do not need to invent myths. In some countries, leaders try to appropriate the achievements of the past or exaggerate their own role by distorting history; we do not need to do this. What we need is for the truth to reach every citizen—especially at a time when people have access to a wide range of information sources, including those in the Azerbaijani language.

Attention must be paid to this as well. Why is an Azerbaijani-language resource created in a foreign country? Is it to help us? No, it is to carry out provocations against us, mislead our people, and poison the minds of our youth. That is the purpose. Whenever you see an Azerbaijani-language resource created abroad, know that this is its purpose.

One does not need to look far for examples; right beside us, provocations rain down on us day and night in the Azerbaijani language. Azerbaijani-language resources have also been established in Western countries. Why? To break our unity, subordinate Azerbaijan to their will, divert us from our path of independence, and ultimately govern us. That is the goal.

Therefore, this sphere is as vital as physical security. And who should be at the center of this work? Of course, the members of the New Azerbaijan Party.

As I have said, the steps we take in foreign policy are highly appreciated around the world. Our prestige is growing. We are joining many new formats. Today, it would be difficult to find another country—though perhaps there is one—that has built such multifaceted international relations as Azerbaijan, maintains ties with so many countries and, one could say, with all major centers of power, while at the same time defending its own interests. In any case, this is a unique experience.

It is enough to recall the events of just the past month to see that senior representatives of countries hostile to one another have met in Azerbaijan within the framework of international events. Meetings and events aimed at reducing certain risks at the international level are also held in Azerbaijan. Why is Azerbaijan chosen? First, because we are trusted. They know that Azerbaijan is a reliable partner. Second, many countries have now aligned themselves with various camps or seek to do so. We, however, do not belong to any camp and will not join one—we have no need to.

For a country with a relatively small territory and population, it is naturally not easy to establish itself as an independent actor on the global stage and earn respect. There are many reasons for this, and I would not want to elaborate too much on them. Quite simply, one of our future tasks is to ensure that our foreign policy remains not only active but also proactive rather than defensive.

Of course, our country’s role in international organizations is undeniable. Everyone remembers well that we led the second-largest international institution after the UN for four years, having been elected unanimously. In November of last year, a very significant event occurred: Azerbaijan was admitted as a full member of the Consultative Meeting of Central Asian Heads of State. We are not located in Central Asia; we are located in the South Caucasus. But look at how close Azerbaijan is to these countries and how vital our political, economic, transport, energy, and other projects are to them for such an unprecedented development to have taken place.

I can give another example: the D-8 organization has been operating for 30 years with eight members, bringing together some of the Muslim world’s largest countries by population. In those 30 years, not a single new member had been admitted. Azerbaijan was the only country to achieve this honorable milestone, and we are now a member of D-8.

We also have very close ties with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Its summit is scheduled to be held in Azerbaijan next year. This summit will not be an ordinary one, because, unfortunately, today Islamic countries are at war with one another. This deeply concerns and saddens us; this should never have happened. Everyone knows well how much effort we make to strengthen Islamic solidarity and fulfill a unifying role, drawing on our history, present-day realities, political steps, and capabilities.

We have strategic partnership declarations and agreements with many EU member states—Azerbaijan has such a format with 10 of them. I can say that two historic events have occurred recently: we established strategic partnership relations with both China and the United States. A Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Declaration was signed with China, and a Strategic Partnership Charter was signed with the United States. These are the world’s two superpowers; there is no third. Naturally, there are issues between these countries that require discussion, and there is competition between them. Establishing rules based on mutual understanding in their relations is a crucial factor for the entire world.

Azerbaijan is a strategic partner of both these superpowers. Our population and territory are not large. What does this mean? This reflects the trust placed in us, the attitude toward us, and the confidence in our word. There is no one left in the world who does not know that our word carries the same weight as our signature. Whatever we say, we stand by it. We have never played a double game, nor have we shown hypocrisy or acted deceitfully toward any country—even though we have repeatedly faced such conduct ourselves and continue to face it today. But we can never be like them.

We are a people with self-respect; we live with dignity and conduct our policy with dignity. Through our example, everyone can see that this is possible: to defeat the enemy single-handedly, dictate our terms to the enemy, force them to sign an act of capitulation after enduring 30 years of hardship, and then stop at the right moment and achieve peace so that no more blood is shed.

We do not need an eternal war; that was not our choice. In the Second Garabagh War, we stopped at the right moment, and in September 2023, we also stopped at the right moment, although other options were available. Strategic foresight, strategic thinking, and the prioritization of our people’s fundamental interests are what dictate this policy. There is no place for emotions in politics. If we had given in to our emotions, today, a third Victory Arch would likely be standing in the center of Yerevan.

I would like to say a few words about economic and social issues. Instructions have already been issued to raise the minimum wage, pensions, and social allowances next year.

We consistently pursue this policy to ensure that the well-being of the Azerbaijani people improves year after year. But of course, economic development is needed to make this possible. It is true that GDP growth is not particularly high, but our overall economic potential is sufficiently strong. The International Investment Forum has been held in Azerbaijan only twice—in September of this year and the year before. The total value of investment contracts signed at the two forums exceeds USD 20 billion. That is, no economy can develop without investment. State investment alone will not be sufficient. We need foreign investment—both in the oil and gas sector and in the non-oil and gas sector.

Therefore, this is effectively an expression of confidence in Azerbaijan’s economy. Look, the world’s leading investment institutions participated in the Second Investment Forum held at the end of September. The assets under their management exceed USD 30 trillion. That is, it is not difficult to imagine the caliber of those who cooperate with Azerbaijan and wish to continue doing so in the future—the executives of these companies and investment funds attended the forum in person.

For many years, we have been steadily reducing our external debt. At one point, I set the goal of reducing it to 10 percent of GDP. Today, our external debt stands at 5.6 percent of GDP. This is also one of the lowest levels in the world. I can tell you that in developed countries, this figure can reach 100, 110, or 120 percent. Speaking at the investment forum, I also stated that, if we wished, we could reduce our debt to zero within 24 hours.

What does this mean? It means that we will not leave future generations burdened with debt. To further accelerate our economic growth, we will pursue investment projects even more actively.

Therefore, economic and financial stability are among the key factors behind our success today. Despite the enormous expenditures on defense, military development, border protection, and the restoration of Garabagh, we continue to increase our foreign exchange reserves year after year. Our foreign exchange reserves have already reached USD 90 billion, approximately 20 times the size of our external debt. If anyone can find another country like this, let them tell me so that I know about it too.

The new geopolitical and economic reality is that many countries today can no longer obtain energy resources as they did before. Here again, Azerbaijan is among the few countries in the world that produce and export a full range of energy resources and related products—crude oil, petroleum products, natural gas, electricity, petrochemical products, and fertilizers. Energy is also the primary input in the production of these products.

Unfortunately, the crisis we are witnessing today, especially in the petroleum products market, will likely deepen further. This crisis has two sources: one to our north and the other to our south, in the Gulf region. Some traditional suppliers are already being forced to halt exports in order to satisfy their domestic demand.

In this regard, I can also say that we are receiving requests from many countries to export our petroleum products to their markets. We completed all the necessary work in a timely manner. Today, our overall refining capacity—I am referring solely to petroleum products—stands at 30 million tons. Of this, 7 million tons are processed at the oil refinery in Azerbaijan, while 23 million tons are processed abroad.

As you can see, we accomplished this in a timely manner. We built one refinery from scratch and acquired two others. Today, there are not many countries with petroleum refining capacity of 30 million tons—across three different locations, no less. Therefore, considering that—I repeat, unfortunately—the wars surrounding us are not coming to an end; we would very much like them to end, but they do not—the demand for our products and our gas will increase even further.

Even those activists who have worn out the entire world with this “green agenda” have now come to realize that no economy can develop without oil, gas, and fuel. You remember well how many baseless accusations were directed at us in the run-up to and during COP29, claiming that a climate conference should not be held in an oil-producing country. Well, Canada produces 10 times more oil than we do. It can be held there, but not here?! Once again, this was a biased approach.

However, I want to say that today, serious discussions are taking place even among those who advanced the “green transition” thesis. Well then, let them not buy our gas, our oil, or our petroleum products. How will their economies develop? That is why Azerbaijan, with its abundant energy resources, is becoming an increasingly important geopolitical and security factor. Because energy security is an integral part of the national security of every country, and our role will grow even further.

Look, some of the contracts signed on the sidelines of the investment forums will directly contribute to increased oil and gas production. Our largest oil field, Azeri-Chirag-Gunashli, has been in operation for more than 30 years now, and production there is naturally declining. Therefore, the newly signed contracts, including those related to oil fields we have acquired abroad, will allow us not only to stabilize production but also to increase it. In addition, the gas contract signed last month alone will provide us with an additional 5 billion cubic meters of gas.

In short, this is a long-term strategy, and the importance of our country will continue to grow. If we add the transport sector to this—I would not wish to elaborate too much on it—I can simply say that the volume of transit cargo expected to pass through Azerbaijan this year will reach 16 million tons. This represents significant growth. At one time, we could only dream of three to four million tons. We developed the infrastructure, established contacts, took the necessary administrative measures, and made these corridors—the Middle Corridor and the North-South Corridor—highly attractive. Yet we are only halfway there. I have set the goal of increasing the volume of transit cargo passing through Azerbaijan to 30 million tons in the medium term. Consider the substantial additional revenue this will generate, the thousands of jobs that will be created, and how our country’s significance will increase even further.

Naturally, one of our primary tasks is the restoration of Garabagh and East Zangezur. According to the latest data presented to me yesterday, 96,000 people are currently living, working, and studying in Garabagh and East Zangezur. To date, we have allocated 28 billion manats for the development of these regions. The vast majority of those funds have been directed to infrastructure projects, most of which are now complete. At the same time, former internally displaced persons have already settled in 48 communities, and the Great Return process will accelerate further in the coming years.

The tasks ahead are, of course, far more extensive than those I have outlined. However, I do not wish to take up too much of your time. Today, I have highlighted the main strategic priorities and wanted to share these thoughts with you. I wish to express my firm conviction that the activists and all other members of the New Azerbaijan Party will actively participate in fulfilling these historic tasks.

I wish our party new victories.

Thank you.

Legal Disclaimer:

EIN Presswire provides this news content "as is" without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the author above.